On Dec 5, 3:28*pm, Harry Hope wrote:
http://mwcnews.net/content/view/34833/26/

Saturday, December 5, 2009

Rampaging Climate Deniers' Losing Battle

by Lorna Salzman

Lying left-wing-lunatic.

[lies of a left-turd flushed]

On Dec 5, 1:03*pm, mrbawana2u wrote:
On Dec 5, 3:28*pm, Harry Hope wrote:

http://mwcnews.net/content/view/34833/26/

Saturday, December 5, 2009

Rampaging Climate Deniers' Losing Battle

by Lorna Salzman

Lying left-wing-lunatic.

[lies of a left-turd flushed]

cum sucking right wing fascist pig thou art

On Dec 5, 5:24*pm, richp wrote:


cum sucking right wing fascist pig thou art

•• Richie ****ypants can't get any thing right
It is time that li'l richie learns left from right

America's 'Fascist Moment'
By RON RADOSH | January 4, 2008

For decades, the left has used the term "fascist" to attack just about
anyone they disagree with. That behavior continues: The feminist
author Naomi Wolf has recently come out with a book condemning what
she calls the "fascist shift" in America, in which she describes the
10 steps she thinks America is taking that lead to fascism. (Of
course, to Ms. Wolf the no. 1 fascist is President Bush.) Before her,
the liberal journalist Joe Conason wrote a book titled "It Can Happen
Here" — what could happen, of course, was American fascism emanating
from the Bush administration. And the journalist Chris Hedges argued
that the Christian right was composed of nothing but "American
Fascists" — indeed the very title of his book on the subject.

Now, from the conservative side, Jonah Goldberg — who is rightfully
fed up with the left's regularly and somewhat indiscriminately calling
conservatives fascist — turns the tide by addressing the issue head
on, in "Liberal Fascism: The Secret History of the American Left, from
Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning" (Doubleday, 467 pages, $27.95).
Not only is it a slander to yell fascist at the right; Mr. Goldberg
presents a strong and compelling case that the very idea of fascism
emanated from the ranks of liberalism. As he argues, contemporary
liberalism descended from the ranks of 20th-century progressivism, and
"shares intellectual roots with European fascism."

When Mr. Goldberg uses the term "liberal fascism," he is not offering
a right-wing version of the left's smears. He knows it is a loaded
term. What he is talking about is the historical idea of fascism: a
corporatist and statist social structure that creates a deep reliance
of its subjects on the government and engenders a sense of community
and purpose. In American politics, this tendency toward statism has
always been much more at home on the left than on the right.

It is impossible in a short review to do justice to the rich
intellectual history of American liberalism that Mr. Goldberg offers
to his readers. He has read widely and thoroughly, not only in the
primary sources of fascism, but in the political and intellectual
history written by the major historians of the subject.

Readers will learn that the very term "liberal fascism" came from the
pen of H.G. Wells, the famed socialist author who delivered a speech
at Oxford University in 1932 that included hosannas to both Stalin's
Russia and Hitler's Germany. "I am asking," Wells told the students,
"for a Liberal Fascisti, for enlightened Nazis." Democracy, he argued,
had to be replaced with new forms of government that would save
mankind, producing a "'Phoenix Rebirth' of liberalism" that would be
called "Liberal Fascism." Like the activism, experimentation, and
discipline that made the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany new dynamic
societies, the West too could reach such a plateau by adopting the new
soft fascism that suited it best.

Wells was not unique in offering this call to liberals. In giving us a
true alternative history of modern liberalism, Mr. Goldberg shows how
the ideological roots of fascism were liberal and left-wing, as were
some of fascism's early proponents, especially in the Italy of Benito
Mussolini. Most of us today forget that Mussolini, to his dying day,
considered himself a man of the left and a socialist, who through
nationalism and the corporatist reorganization of the polity sought to
modernize a dying, 19th-century liberalism. Many will nevertheless be
surprised to find that Mussolini's large band of admirers included the
journalist Herbert Matthews, the comic Will Rogers, the psychoanalyst
Sigmund Freud, the historian Charles Beard, and the muckraker Lincoln
Steffens. It only strengthens his case to find that one person Mr.
Goldberg leaves out, the founding father of American trade unionism,
Samuel Gompers, praised Mussolini's creation of a new corporate state
as a guide for American labor, and as a model for American society as
a whole.

Indeed, America, as Mr. Goldberg writes, certainly had a "Fascist
moment." It was not, however, during the current presidency, but one
that extended from progressivism through the New Deal. Mr. Goldberg
traces the American roots of liberal fascism to the presidency of
Woodrow Wilson, who saw increased state power as an organic and
natural development. His administration's War Industries Board laid
the basis for future government-industry regulatory agencies that tied
business to the new corporate state. Later on Mr. Goldberg reveals how
Herbert Croly, who founded the New Republic as the preeminent journal
of the new liberalism, presented classic fascist themes as the
prescription for saving the country in his influential book, "The
Promise of American Life."

A major New Deal program, General Hugh Johnson's National Recovery
Administration, was an American version of Mussolini's corporate
state. Entering Johnson's office, visitors found a portrait of
Mussolini on the wall behind his desk. Industrial codes were to be
enforced by the state and to be made popular by Nuremberg-type rallies
and giant parades, as thousands marched under the symbol of the blue
eagle. This marked the actual birth of liberal fascism, as President
Roosevelt built upon the statist and collectivist roots of agencies
created during World War I. As the vice president of the American
Federation of Labor, Matthew Woll, put it at the time, "Labor might
well assert that the seed of Fascism had been transplanted" to
America. The cartelization of industry, he noted, was "a familiar
story in the early history of Fascist Italy."

Turning to what he calls liberal racism, Mr. Goldberg offers readers
his finest chapter. It is a devastating picture of how liberals
adopted eugenics — a basic part of Nazi doctrine — which was not, as
some liberal intellectuals have argued, an outgrowth of conservative
thought. Fans of Margaret Sanger, perhaps the single most important
feminist hero of the 20th century, will never be able to think of her
in the same way. Mr. Goldberg dissects her hidden views of eugenics. A
socialist and birth-control martyr, she favored banning reproduction
of the "unfit" and regulation of everyone else's reproduction. She
wrote, "More children from the fit, less from the unfit — that is the
chief issue of birth control." She opposed the birth of "ill-bred, ill-
trained swarms of inferior citizens." Her words reveal her motive in
advocacy of birth control. She sought to remove "inferior" people from
being born to poor people, whose mothers by definition were "unfit."
Sanger's partisans in Planned Parenthood, the group that stemmed from
her work, will be shocked to learn that her publication endorsed the
Nazi eugenics program, and that Sanger herself "proudly gave a speech
to a KKK rally." That was not surprising, since she clearly viewed
blacks as inferior. Hence her "Negro Project," in which she sought to
urge blacks to adopt birth control.

Some will rightfully take issue with Mr. Goldberg when he describes
the administrations of Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Clinton as
fascist. On this, he strains and pushes his evidence too far to
convince the reader that these paragons of liberalism can be called
fascist in any sense of the term. Mr. Goldberg makes a stronger case
when he accuses the New Left of classic fascist behavior, when its
cadre took to the streets and through action discarded its early
idealism for what Mr. Goldberg correctly calls "fascist thuggery."
Even if one does not consider the liberal administrations of the
recent past fascist, Mr. Goldberg is correct to see the liberalism of
today to be state worship, which built upon the original statist
liberalism of the Wilson administration.

Mr. Goldberg has, unlike the leftists who yell the term, made the
strongest possible case that Americans today live in a soft form of
fascism, a statist liberal society whose citizens are unaware of the
roots of ideas they hold. Echoing Susan Sontag, who pointed out that
fascist ideas "are vivid and moving to many people," Mr. Goldberg ends
with a humorous look at the cult of organic foods, vegetarianism, and
animal rights, all programs and policies first instituted in Nazi
Germany. "We are all fascists now," he concludes. Disagree if you
must, but go out and read this brilliant, insightful, and important
book.

Mr. Radosh, a contributing editor of The New York Sun, is an
adjunct fellow at the Hudson Institute.

—*—
Global warming is a myth and does not exist.
On the other hand "Climate Change" is
functioning as it has for 5 million years or more

On Dec 5, 5:24*pm, richpussytard wrote:
On Dec 5, wrote:

On Dec 5, 3:28*pm, Harry Hope wrote:

http://mwcnews.net/content/view/34833/26/

Saturday, December 5, 2009

Rampaging Climate Deniers' Losing Battle

by Lorna Salzman

Lying left-wing-lunatic.

[lies of a left-turd flushed]

[who cares?]

Weak, pussytard.